The Jews In Sicily - page 5 of 6

In generali l'Ebreu dû 15esimu seculu cuntinuau a aviri autonomia come gruppu, a aviri a propria moschita, u so campusantu, i so bagni rituali, e u so maceddu; eranu libbiri di scegghiri u so travagghiu, di pussediri immobili, schiavi, eccettu chiddi cristiani. Sti privilege non eranu a bassu prezzu, però, picchì l'autorità dumannavanu spissu sordi pi rinnuvari na licenza o estenniri un dirittu o pi cunfirmari un privileggiu già ottinutu. Una dî "dunazioni" cchiù ironichi fu chidda ca l'Ebrei appiru a pagari a Firdinannu u Cattolicu. A comunità ebraica siciliana ci desi prima 2500 unzi ntô 1481 e poi nautri 1000 ntô 1489, pi ottiniri assicurazioni di Firdinannu ca i diritti di prima non vinevanu a canciari---in realta ddi sordi sirvevanu ô Re pi finanziari a guerra contru Granada---Quannu Granada cadiu e vinni a mancari l'ultimu bastiuni di putenza saracina ntâ Spagna, u distinu di l'Ebrei fu dicisu puru. Accussi, l'Ebrei contribueru a so stissa espulsioni! By and large, in the 15th century Jews continued to enjoy autonomy as a collectivity, have their own synagogues, cemeteries, ritual baths, slaughter house; they were free to choose their work, they could own property, and they could own slaves, except Christian ones. These privileges were not cheap, however, since the authorities frequently made demands on the Jews for special purposes, to renew a license, for example, or to extend a right or to confirm a privilege already obtained. One of the most ironic "donations" the Jews ever had to make was when they paid Ferdinand 2500 ounces in 1481 and another 1000 ounces again in 1489, ostensibly to obtain assurances from him that their previously established rights were not going to be altered. In actuality the money helped finance the war against Granada, the outcome of which destroyed the last stronghold of Arab power in Spain and sealed the destinies of the Jews. Unwittingly they contributed to their own expulsion!

Ma chidda non fu l'unica ironia. Na vota ca l'edittu fu pubblicatu e i macchinari buracratichi misi in azioni pi estrarri tutta a ricchizza ca putevanu estrarri di l'Ebrei in partenza, l'autorità spagnoli registrarunu e sequestrarunu tutti i proprietà di l'Ebrei câ scusa ca non si nni issiru senza pagari i debiti. A cchiù sfacciata ironia fu a pritesa dâ parti dû guvernu d'essiri rimborsatu pî tassi futuri pirduti a causa dâ partenza di l'Ebrei! Custrinceru l'Ebrei a pagari centu mila Fiorini pi rilassaricci i proprietà sequestrati, oltri a nautri cincu mila Fiorini pû Vicerè pi na donazioni speciali. Sti dui sommi non eranu assai menu dû valuri reali di proprietà. In autri paroli, u governu espropriau sti proprietà e ci lassau a l'Ebrei u travagghiu di trasformarili in dinaru liquidu, câ spiranza ca ci ristassi quacchi sordu pi pagari a l'autri credituri Cristiani. Infini ci ristau picca e nenti ê poviri Ebrei i quali di dda misera somma c'avevanu in comuni avevanu a pagari i spisi pi ddi Ebrei espatriati ca non avevanu nenti, i quali costituivanu pâ città di Palermu 1/8 d'iddi. Chiddi ca eranu troppu poviri pi pagari i spisi dû viaggiu avevanu a riciviri dû patrimoniu comuni: "Una coperta di lectu .... cum unu paru di linczola usati et uno mataraczo usato di pocu precio et la somma di tre tarì per testa." But that was not the only irony. Once the edict was announced and the machinery set in place to extract as much wealth from the departing Jews as possible, the Spanish authorities registered and sequestered Jewish properties to make sure that any outstanding debts or obligations were paid. The most outrageous of ironies was a demand by the government to be reimbursed for all the future taxes that it was not going to collect from the Jews! They were forced to pay one hundred thousand Florins to have their properties released to them, as well as five thousand Florins to the Viceroy as a special donation. The two sums were not far from the actual value of the properties seized by the government. In other words the government expropriated these properties and left the Jews the task of transforming them into cash in the hope that something would be left over, after satisfying Christian creditors. In the end, little was left, in fact, to the Jews who out of the meagre pooled resources the community had to pay for the indigent being expatriated, which for the city of Palermo alone were 1/8 the Jewish population. Those who were too poor to pay for their transportation out of the country were to be provided by the community with "una coperta di lectu ... cum unu paru di linczola usati et uno mataraczo usato di pocu precio et la somma di tre tari per testa." (a blanket for the bed with a pair of used sheets and an inexpensive used mattress and the sum of three tari per person.)

Mancu a dirlu, a partenza dâ Sicilia fu traumatica pi chiddi ca parteru e chiddi ca ristaru. L'ordini di espulsioni però ebbi un effettu diversu ntâ Spagna e ntâ Sicilia. Di 200.000 Ebrei ntâ Spagna, 150.000 accittarunu di irisinni inveci di cunvirtirisi. Ntâ Sicilia pari ca i storici sianu d'accordu a pinsari câ maggior parti di l'Ebrei, specialmenti chiddi ca appartinevanu ê classi superiori, si cunvirterunu pi non perdiri u so capitali e u paisi ca indubbiamenti aveva statu ospitali pi iddi¹⁰ U paisi di Salemi, unni di trenta famigghi ebrei sulu quattru diciderunu di accittari 1'esiliu, rapprisenta un casu speciali e non è certamenti tipicu di comu reageru l'Ebrei siciliani a l'ordini d'espulsioni. Mancu si po' considirari rapprisentativu chiddu ca succidiu a Castronovu e San Marco, unni la bilanza calau di l'autru latu. A San Marcu 723 supra a 728 Ebrei dicideru di irisinni. A Castronovo 120 supra a 130.¹¹ A pircentuali di chiddi ca ristaru è difficili a calcularisi ma generalmenti si pensa ca a maggior parti di l'Ebrei poviri prifiriu irisinni, spirannu di truvari condizioni migliori in quacchi autru postu. Assai furu puru chiddi chi si cunvirteru sulu in apparenza, continuannu a essiri ebrei ntô secretu di so casi. Needless to say the departure from Sicily was traumatic for both those who remained and those forced to leave. The expulsion order, however, had different effects in Sicily than it had had in Spain. Out of 200,000 Jews in Spain, 150,000 accepted banishment rather than convert to Christianity. In Sicily, there seems to be agreement among historians that a great number of jews, and particularly those that belonged to the upper classes, preferred to convert, rather than lose their capital and their homeland to which undoubtedly they had become attached and which had been very hospitable to them.¹⁰ The town of Salemi, where out of thirty families of Jews only four decided to accept exile, represents a special case and is certainly not typical of how Sicilian Jews reacted to the expulsion order. Nor can what happened in San Marco and Castronovo where the scale tipped in the other direction, be considered representative. In San Marco 723 out of 728 Jews preferred to leave. In Castronovo 120 out of 130.¹¹ The percentage of those who left is difficult to calculate but it is generally accepted that most of the poor Jews preferred to leave, no doubt hoping to find better economic conditions elsewhere. There were also many who accepted conversion but continued to be Jews within the sanctuaries of their homes.

L'Ebrei chi avianu vissutu ntâ Sicilia dû primu seculu aC abbannunarunu l'isula ca era a so casa u 12 gennaiu 1493 pi non riturnari mai cchiù. Un bon numiru d'iddi si nni iu a Roma unni i Papa avianu aduttatu un atteggiamentu sorprendementi protettivu versu d'iddi. Macari u Papa Borgia, Alessandru VI, ca puru era spagnolu non condivisi a prioccupazioni dû monarca spagnolu chî giudei e ci uffriu a so protezzioni contra i stissi ebrei locali ca si prioccupavanu ca l'influssu d'autri Ebrei putissi causari problemi ntâ so comunita. A citta ca riciviu u numini cchitl autu di Ebrei fu Reggiu Calabria unni i comunita di Missina e Siracusa si rifuggiarunu in massa. Furunu accolti dû Re Ferrante di Napuli ca ci uffriu a so protezzioni e detti disposizioni ca i novi arrivati avissiru a essiri trattati comu si avissiru statu suggetti dû so regnu pi tantu tempu. Ma non ci vosi tantu tempu fin'a quannu Firdinannu u Cattolicu s'impadruniu di Napuli e chistu signau la fini dâ so pirmanenza ddâ. A maggior parti d'iddi fu custretta a partiri di novu ntô 1515. Un certu numiru di famigghi ebrei ricchi ristau a Napuli pi nautri trenta anni, ma ntô 1541 anchi iddi si nni appiru a ghiri, mittennu fini i storia di l'Ebrei nta l'Italia meridionali. Gran parti d'iddi si nni iu versu u nord, e specialmenti a Roma, a Firrara, l'autri prifireru irisinni pi destinazioni cchiù luntani comu l'Albania a Grecia, a Siria, e a Palestina. Li autorità ficiru dui tentativi di richiamari l'Ebrei spirannu di stimulari l'attività economica dû paisi, ntô 1740 e ntô 1747, ma a comunità ebraica non riturnau mai cchiù ntâ Sicilia nè nta l'Italia meridionali. Però a mimoria dâ residenza nta sti posti ristau ntê so cori pi assai tempu, tantu ca quannu a mità dû seculu 16esimu si stabileri a Saloniccu e a Bisanziu, o a Corfù, numirusi "università" purtavanu u nomi di posti ca iddi avevanu lassatu. A Saloniccu na duzzina di "Aljiama" purtavanu nomi comu "Sicilia," "Puglia," "Calabria," "Otranto," e "Missina". The Jews who had lived in Sicily since the first century BC left the island they called home on January 12, 1493, never to return again. Many of them went to Rome, where the Popes surprisingly adopted generally a protective attitude towards them. Even the Borgia pope, Alexander VI, who was a Spaniard did not share the Spanish monarch's preoccupation with Jews and offered them his protection, even against the petition by local Jews who feared that the influx of many others would cause problems in their community. The city that received the largest number of Sicilian Jews was Reggio Calabria where the Jewish communities of Messina and Siracusa moved en masse. They were welcomed by King Ferrante of Naples who offered them his protection and disposed that the new arrivals should be treated as though they had been long time subjects of the crown. But it was not long until Ferdinand took control of Naples, marking the end of their sojourn there. In 1515 most of them were forced to leave again. A small number of rich families remained in Naples for another 30 years, but in 1541, when these families were forced out, the history of the Jews in Southern Italy came to an end. Many went to the North, and especially to Rome and Ferrara, others preferred to leave for farther destinations in Albania, Greece, Syria and Palestine. The authorities made two attempts, in 1740 and in 1747, to recall the Jews in the hope of stimulating economic activity in the realm, but no Jewish communities ever returned to Sicily or Southern Italy. Yet the memory of their residence in these places lived with them for a long time, for when midway through the 16th century, they established themselves in Salonicco, Constantinople, or even the island of Corfù, many "Aljiamas" bore the names of the places they had been forced to leave. In Salonicco a dozen synagogue-communities were called "Sicilia" "Puglia" "Calabria" "Otranto" and "Messina".

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In generali l'Ebreu dû 15esimu seculu cuntinuau a aviri autonomia come gruppu, a aviri a propria moschita, u so campusantu, i so bagni rituali, e u so maceddu; eranu libbiri di scegghiri u so travagghiu, di pussediri immobili, schiavi, eccettu chiddi cristiani. Sti privilege non eranu a bassu prezzu, però, picchì l'autorità dumannavanu spissu sordi pi rinnuvari na licenza o estenniri un dirittu o pi cunfirmari un privileggiu già ottinutu. Una dî "dunazioni" cchiù ironichi fu chidda ca l'Ebrei appiru a pagari a Firdinannu u Cattolicu. A comunità ebraica siciliana ci desi prima 2500 unzi ntô 1481 e poi nautri 1000 ntô 1489, pi ottiniri assicurazioni di Firdinannu ca i diritti di prima non vinevanu a canciari---in realta ddi sordi sirvevanu ô Re pi finanziari a guerra contru Granada---Quannu Granada cadiu e vinni a mancari l'ultimu bastiuni di putenza saracina ntâ Spagna, u distinu di l'Ebrei fu dicisu puru. Accussi, l'Ebrei contribueru a so stissa espulsioni!		By and large, in the 15th century Jews continued to enjoy autonomy as a collectivity, have their own synagogues, cemeteries, ritual baths, slaughter house; they were free to choose their work, they could own property, and they could own slaves, except Christian ones. These privileges were not cheap, however, since the authorities frequently made demands on the Jews for special purposes, to renew a license, for example, or to extend a right or to confirm a privilege already obtained. One of the most ironic "donations" the Jews ever had to make was when they paid Ferdinand 2500 ounces in 1481 and another 1000 ounces again in 1489, ostensibly to obtain assurances from him that their previously established rights were not going to be altered. In actuality the money helped finance the war against Granada, the outcome of which destroyed the last stronghold of Arab power in Spain and sealed the destinies of the Jews. Unwittingly they contributed to their own expulsion!
Ma chidda non fu l'unica ironia. Na vota ca l'edittu fu pubblicatu e i macchinari buracratichi misi in azioni pi estrarri tutta a ricchizza ca putevanu estrarri di l'Ebrei in partenza, l'autorità spagnoli registrarunu e sequestrarunu tutti i proprietà di l'Ebrei câ scusa ca non si nni issiru senza pagari i debiti. A cchiù sfacciata ironia fu a pritesa dâ parti dû guvernu d'essiri rimborsatu pî tassi futuri pirduti a causa dâ partenza di l'Ebrei! Custrinceru l'Ebrei a pagari centu mila Fiorini pi rilassaricci i proprietà sequestrati, oltri a nautri cincu mila Fiorini pû Vicerè pi na donazioni speciali. Sti dui sommi non eranu assai menu dû valuri reali di proprietà. In autri paroli, u governu espropriau sti proprietà e ci lassau a l'Ebrei u travagghiu di trasformarili in dinaru liquidu, câ spiranza ca ci ristassi quacchi sordu pi pagari a l'autri credituri Cristiani. Infini ci ristau picca e nenti ê poviri Ebrei i quali di dda misera somma c'avevanu in comuni avevanu a pagari i spisi pi ddi Ebrei espatriati ca non avevanu nenti, i quali costituivanu pâ città di Palermu 1/8 d'iddi. Chiddi ca eranu troppu poviri pi pagari i spisi dû viaggiu avevanu a riciviri dû patrimoniu comuni: "Una coperta di lectu .... cum unu paru di linczola usati et uno mataraczo usato di pocu precio et la somma di tre tarì per testa."		But that was not the only irony. Once the edict was announced and the machinery set in place to extract as much wealth from the departing Jews as possible, the Spanish authorities registered and sequestered Jewish properties to make sure that any outstanding debts or obligations were paid. The most outrageous of ironies was a demand by the government to be reimbursed for all the future taxes that it was not going to collect from the Jews! They were forced to pay one hundred thousand Florins to have their properties released to them, as well as five thousand Florins to the Viceroy as a special donation. The two sums were not far from the actual value of the properties seized by the government. In other words the government expropriated these properties and left the Jews the task of transforming them into cash in the hope that something would be left over, after satisfying Christian creditors. In the end, little was left, in fact, to the Jews who out of the meagre pooled resources the community had to pay for the indigent being expatriated, which for the city of Palermo alone were 1/8 the Jewish population. Those who were too poor to pay for their transportation out of the country were to be provided by the community with "una coperta di lectu ... cum unu paru di linczola usati et uno mataraczo usato di pocu precio et la somma di tre tari per testa." (a blanket for the bed with a pair of used sheets and an inexpensive used mattress and the sum of three tari per person.)
Mancu a dirlu, a partenza dâ Sicilia fu traumatica pi chiddi ca parteru e chiddi ca ristaru. L'ordini di espulsioni però ebbi un effettu diversu ntâ Spagna e ntâ Sicilia. Di 200.000 Ebrei ntâ Spagna, 150.000 accittarunu di irisinni inveci di cunvirtirisi. Ntâ Sicilia pari ca i storici sianu d'accordu a pinsari câ maggior parti di l'Ebrei, specialmenti chiddi ca appartinevanu ê classi superiori, si cunvirterunu pi non perdiri u so capitali e u paisi ca indubbiamenti aveva statu ospitali pi iddi¹⁰ U paisi di Salemi, unni di trenta famigghi ebrei sulu quattru diciderunu di accittari 1'esiliu, rapprisenta un casu speciali e non è certamenti tipicu di comu reageru l'Ebrei siciliani a l'ordini d'espulsioni. Mancu si po' considirari rapprisentativu chiddu ca succidiu a Castronovu e San Marco, unni la bilanza calau di l'autru latu. A San Marcu 723 supra a 728 Ebrei dicideru di irisinni. A Castronovo 120 supra a 130.¹¹ A pircentuali di chiddi ca ristaru è difficili a calcularisi ma generalmenti si pensa ca a maggior parti di l'Ebrei poviri prifiriu irisinni, spirannu di truvari condizioni migliori in quacchi autru postu. Assai furu puru chiddi chi si cunvirteru sulu in apparenza, continuannu a essiri ebrei ntô secretu di so casi.		Needless to say the departure from Sicily was traumatic for both those who remained and those forced to leave. The expulsion order, however, had different effects in Sicily than it had had in Spain. Out of 200,000 Jews in Spain, 150,000 accepted banishment rather than convert to Christianity. In Sicily, there seems to be agreement among historians that a great number of jews, and particularly those that belonged to the upper classes, preferred to convert, rather than lose their capital and their homeland to which undoubtedly they had become attached and which had been very hospitable to them.¹⁰ The town of Salemi, where out of thirty families of Jews only four decided to accept exile, represents a special case and is certainly not typical of how Sicilian Jews reacted to the expulsion order. Nor can what happened in San Marco and Castronovo where the scale tipped in the other direction, be considered representative. In San Marco 723 out of 728 Jews preferred to leave. In Castronovo 120 out of 130.¹¹ The percentage of those who left is difficult to calculate but it is generally accepted that most of the poor Jews preferred to leave, no doubt hoping to find better economic conditions elsewhere. There were also many who accepted conversion but continued to be Jews within the sanctuaries of their homes.
L'Ebrei chi avianu vissutu ntâ Sicilia dû primu seculu aC abbannunarunu l'isula ca era a so casa u 12 gennaiu 1493 pi non riturnari mai cchiù. Un bon numiru d'iddi si nni iu a Roma unni i Papa avianu aduttatu un atteggiamentu sorprendementi protettivu versu d'iddi. Macari u Papa Borgia, Alessandru VI, ca puru era spagnolu non condivisi a prioccupazioni dû monarca spagnolu chî giudei e ci uffriu a so protezzioni contra i stissi ebrei locali ca si prioccupavanu ca l'influssu d'autri Ebrei putissi causari problemi ntâ so comunita. A citta ca riciviu u numini cchitl autu di Ebrei fu Reggiu Calabria unni i comunita di Missina e Siracusa si rifuggiarunu in massa. Furunu accolti dû Re Ferrante di Napuli ca ci uffriu a so protezzioni e detti disposizioni ca i novi arrivati avissiru a essiri trattati comu si avissiru statu suggetti dû so regnu pi tantu tempu. Ma non ci vosi tantu tempu fin'a quannu Firdinannu u Cattolicu s'impadruniu di Napuli e chistu signau la fini dâ so pirmanenza ddâ. A maggior parti d'iddi fu custretta a partiri di novu ntô 1515. Un certu numiru di famigghi ebrei ricchi ristau a Napuli pi nautri trenta anni, ma ntô 1541 anchi iddi si nni appiru a ghiri, mittennu fini i storia di l'Ebrei nta l'Italia meridionali. Gran parti d'iddi si nni iu versu u nord, e specialmenti a Roma, a Firrara, l'autri prifireru irisinni pi destinazioni cchiù luntani comu l'Albania a Grecia, a Siria, e a Palestina. Li autorità ficiru dui tentativi di richiamari l'Ebrei spirannu di stimulari l'attività economica dû paisi, ntô 1740 e ntô 1747, ma a comunità ebraica non riturnau mai cchiù ntâ Sicilia nè nta l'Italia meridionali. Però a mimoria dâ residenza nta sti posti ristau ntê so cori pi assai tempu, tantu ca quannu a mità dû seculu 16esimu si stabileri a Saloniccu e a Bisanziu, o a Corfù, numirusi "università" purtavanu u nomi di posti ca iddi avevanu lassatu. A Saloniccu na duzzina di "Aljiama" purtavanu nomi comu "Sicilia," "Puglia," "Calabria," "Otranto," e "Missina".		The Jews who had lived in Sicily since the first century BC left the island they called home on January 12, 1493, never to return again. Many of them went to Rome, where the Popes surprisingly adopted generally a protective attitude towards them. Even the Borgia pope, Alexander VI, who was a Spaniard did not share the Spanish monarch's preoccupation with Jews and offered them his protection, even against the petition by local Jews who feared that the influx of many others would cause problems in their community. The city that received the largest number of Sicilian Jews was Reggio Calabria where the Jewish communities of Messina and Siracusa moved en masse. They were welcomed by King Ferrante of Naples who offered them his protection and disposed that the new arrivals should be treated as though they had been long time subjects of the crown. But it was not long until Ferdinand took control of Naples, marking the end of their sojourn there. In 1515 most of them were forced to leave again. A small number of rich families remained in Naples for another 30 years, but in 1541, when these families were forced out, the history of the Jews in Southern Italy came to an end. Many went to the North, and especially to Rome and Ferrara, others preferred to leave for farther destinations in Albania, Greece, Syria and Palestine. The authorities made two attempts, in 1740 and in 1747, to recall the Jews in the hope of stimulating economic activity in the realm, but no Jewish communities ever returned to Sicily or Southern Italy. Yet the memory of their residence in these places lived with them for a long time, for when midway through the 16th century, they established themselves in Salonicco, Constantinople, or even the island of Corfù, many "Aljiamas" bore the names of the places they had been forced to leave. In Salonicco a dozen synagogue-communities were called "Sicilia" "Puglia" "Calabria" "Otranto" and "Messina".